Showing posts with label Nevada Test Site. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nevada Test Site. Show all posts

Wednesday, November 26, 2014

Peace Camp

http://www.archaeology.org/issues/152-1411/features/2664-united-states-atomic-age-archaeology-peace-camps

Peace Camp
Tuesday, October 28, 2014
Nuclear-America-Peace-Camp
(Courtesy Colleen Beck, Desert Research Institute, and National Nuclear Security Administration/Nevada Site Office, U.S. Department of Energy)
Geoglyph, Peace Camp
The nuclear-testing-related historical remains of the Nevada Test Site don’t end at the site’s borders. Beginning in the 1970s, a coalition of protesters established a permanent outpost on 600 acres of adjacent federal land. People who lived east of the Test Site (“downwinders”), peace activists, devout Christians, and Western Shoshone Indians (who claim the land under an 1863 treaty) made up a significant portion of the protest community. In the 1980s, it became officially known as Peace Camp. It had no water and only Joshua trees for shade, yet it drew together members of 200 different organizations. One event there hosted 8,000 people.

Colleen Beck of the Desert Research Institute (DRI) noticed the still-active protesters during her early years at the Test Site. “I have to admit there was a lot of curiosity about what these people do over there in the camp,” she says. She didn’t act on that curiosity until she saw a backhoe digging on Peace Camp land. “I began phoning and found out that they were looking at turning the area into a gravel pit. I realized there was a good chance it was going to be destroyed,” and with it, a significant part of the Test Site’s history. Beck secured a grant to document Peace Camp in 2002. While some protesters were suspicious of the early DRI efforts there, the Western Shoshone were supportive.

Beck and her colleagues have documented many features associated with the protest community, such as paths, campsites, sweat lodges, hearths, and stone cairns used as trail markers. Residents had covered a highway underpass in graffiti, and used stones to create “geoglyphs,” or large designs expressing political and spiritual beliefs. One depicts an eight-petaled flower with white rocks forming a triangle in the center. Down a trail from there, some rocks spell out “TTW,” a reference to Terry Tempest Williams, a downwinder from Utah who chronicled her family’s cancer history. The side of a hillock sports an enormous peace sign. With Beck’s documentation, the U.S. Bureau of Land Management, which owns the site, and the Nevada State Historic Preservation Office have determined that Peace Camp is eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places.

Monday, November 17, 2014

HISTORY SHOWS, PEOPLE POWER MAKES THE DIFFERENCE. by D. E. Gibson ©

HISTORY SHOWS, PEOPLE POWER MAKES THE DIFFERENCE.

By D. E. Gibson ©
Power comes down to two things. Money and People. When they have the money, we need the people!
It was dusty, hot, and the air and the ground around us, seemed yellow. It was sandy, rocky, sage brush with a few stunted trees all around. On one side of US 95, was a steel chain link fence some 10 feet high or more, which stretched for miles in both directions, topped with concertina razor wire. On the other, about 3,000 individuals from all over the country were lining up to support hundreds who were illegally entering the gates on this side of the fence. Beyond this throng, just a mile north, organized in a sand pit past some small hills on Bureau of Land Management property were a collection of tents, small and large, pitched as I recall, about 100 yards from the road. White ones. Bright yellow and orange ones, blue ones. Olive… There were a number of vehicles as well. Support vehicles, generators, water trucks, and personal transportation of a wide variety. Some of the tents were individual one and two person affairs. Some were much larger canopies, and house size structures used for kitchens, dining halls and communal meeting spaces. I remember flags on poles. Peace flags. Rainbow flags, even American Flags. (I will have plenty more to say about the American Flag in later posts)
I have been told that you could hear the sound of the drums in the back ground. I do not remember this myself but do remember drums and other musical instruments there, so … why not? Sounds like something we would have been doing then. Playing drums and clanging cymbals and making noise in celebration of life and resistance to oppression. And if we were not, we should have been. Like the Canadian activists who have come out recently banging their pots and their pans during their protest marches! How cool.
Here was the layout:
Top
In 1988, in the Nevada desert, I was part of an event involving civil disobedience where about 3,000 people were arrested over the course of 10 days. I have read that this was the largest civil disobedience action in US history with a record of arrests.
We were protesting underground nuclear weapons explosions to test and develop new and more dangerous bombs and missiles about 1,000 of which, could destroy most life on Earth. (There were about 70,000 in the world then, ready to launch) The demonstration was named “Reclaim the Test Site.” I had trained and prepared for this event for months. I had flown out here all the way from Montclair NJ to meet my crew. They had driven out earlier, caravan style, meeting up with other caravans and rolling into “Peace Camp” within hours of many others that I had spontaneously coordinated by phone and fax back in our office in Montclair before driving to Newark Airport and boarding a plane to join the fun. (This was all before cell phones… Members of other caravans from the South and the North East and the East, and the North West called in to their headquarters by pay phone… Does anyone reading this remember those?) I spoke with their home offices. They, in turn, would let their folks — who would call in from time to time – know how far in miles they were from some other group of fellow travelers and on what particular route some other caravan from some other part of the country might be. Some joined up en-route thanks to this. Some joined up outside of Peace Camp. Others aimed to roll into peace camp as close to a common arrival time that we organized in an impromptu fashion over the phone. Me with my map spread out on my cluttered desk with my speaker phone in front of me… No google maps in them days … Most of the travelers arrived on the same day within hours of each other… an intermittent procession of caravans arriving from all over the country. I imagined cheering campers greeting them, which indeed is what I was told later actually happened. This helped build solidarity and gain us some local media attention too.
I was up most of the night alternately on the phone and at our brand spanking new copy machine, my back pack and travel gear stored on the floor by the door, as I was running off materials for a professional door-to-door canvass we had organized as one of our contributions to this effort. While the protest was set for Nye County, the canvass was in Las Vegas, which was the next county over. Since none of the money we collected was for the protest, but to set up a group in Vegas of locals who would call for conversion of the test site to peaceful purposes, we were completely legal,– much to the chagrin of Las Vegas police who wanted to arrest us, like their Nye County Compadres, but were unable to. So… Ha!
My crew, all experienced professional canvassers, had caravanned out to meet some other canvassers from other canvass offices — most from SANE/FREEZE, (The Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy merged with the Nuclear Weapons FREEZE Campaign.) Some were committed to the canvass, and others were committed to the action and planning arrest. We were well represented.
When I arrived just hours after most of the caravans got there, I disembarked at Las Vegas Airport. As I got off the plane the very first thing I saw drove home what we were really resisting. I saw a line of Slot Machines. “Yes” I thought to myself with a wry smile. “Makes sense”.
I was up and animated when I got to Vegas thanks to the excitement of the occasion and adrenaline in my system, despite my tired state due to a night of little sleep. (Exacerbated by the little plastic bottles of bourbon I drank on the plane.) I made my way to the temporary office for the American Peace Test in Las Vegas. The American Peace test was, in a way, a splinter group of sorts, breaking off of the larger FREEZE Campaign to mount increasingly militant, disciplined, civil disobedience against the US nuclear weapons program, and the US’s overall policy of militarism. They coordinated with groups protesting in Greenham Common in England and at the test sites in, what then was still, the Soviet Union as well… making this a truly global organizing campaign. Most Americans would have been shocked and in denial of the fact that there was a robust peace movement in the USSR in those days.
The office certainly felt temporary. It was located in the rear of, some sort of commercial, newly and cheaply constructed mini-mall sort of thing, though it didn’t appear to have any retail outlets. It had small offices of the kind where you might find a moving company, a machine shop, or a fly-by-night furniture warehouse. Lots of white and silver and aluminum, and no trees to mention in the parking lot except for the small, spindly newly planted variety. The kind held in place by some cable tied to the ground and supported by fresh pine one by twos. Even the doors seemed to be made of a hollow aluminum frame. The office was located across from the rear parking lot of one of the smaller casinos… (Casinos were everywhere. So were more slot machines. They seemed to be in every commercial location one entered, including super markets.)
Some of the canvassers took what they made canvassing and leveraged it at the gaming tables. One guy won enough money to buy an airplane ticket back to Los Angeles, which was fortunate as he did not have a return plan when he got there. All of us took advantage of the very cheap food, steak dinners and the like, and cheap booze that the Casinos made available to attract out-of-towners to come in and lose their savings. What a racket! But it was, after all, Vegas! Back at the office there was a kitchenette kind of deal, with a sink a very small refrigerator, and a microwave.
We lived on peanut butter, bagels and bread, and some whole wheat pasta which I would cover with tahini sauce. At Peace Camp there was a communal kitchen with lots of … well… chili and salad I imagine… I never ate there myself. We ate pretty well off of the money we canvassed. Which was also OK because the contract called for paying us from revenues that we raised while signing people up. Not a bad system.
The whole operation was run on consensus, which immediately ended my role in the canvass as a leader as soon as we had our first meeting. It stung my ego but enriched my soul. I was suddenly no longer the architect of this unique first ever organizing model, but simply the driver and another canvasser. It was kind of liberating in a way and immensely satisfying seeing everyone step up and take responsibility. My ego healed quickly.
Upon arrival I met with an organizer or two. The details are a bit hazy, but we arranged, from previous contact, to have access to either one of the two rental vans that were around to bring people to and from the office to Peace Camp and back.
We also arranged whose couch I would sleep on as I did not have a tent at Peace Camp. I don’t remember getting much sleep anyway. As I remember I moved around a lot, staying on the weekend with other canvassers and activists at some out of town lawyer’s home for a night and a day. I was charged with going to the grocery to pick up food for a large group meal, and since I had not yet gotten my paycheck, I was to do most of the labor for my part of the meal. When I got to the super market, I dropped a few quarters (all I had left) into one of the slot machines up front and won enough to cover my share of the groceries and a little extra, saving me from a night of indentured servitude at the whim of my fellow activists… WHAT a relief. Capitalism came through for me that time.
We would have access to the van at around 2:00 PM each day to bring people to the City and then, after meeting and preparing for the field at about 3:00, we would drive canvassers to their neighborhood and drop them off. Then I would drive back to the office, and pick up whoever needed a ride back to Peace Camp. Then I would turn around, and head back into the city giving anyone who needed it, a ride and drop them off. If I had time, I would go out and canvass. If not I would just go and pick up the crew. Then drive back to Peace Camp. To get around during the day or on the weekend, I used the little red Mazda owned by one of my crew, a young man with blond dread locks.
I found myself going back and forth to the city for various reasons during the day while some members of my crew joined hundreds of others crossing the line and being abducted by Wackenhut Security on the test site grounds and put in a large metal “pen” in the desert until they could be loaded on buses and driven to the town of Tonopah, some 65 miles from the vicinity. We called it “The Cage”. It was a 28,800 square foot chain link fence built in the shape of a square near the South Entrance not too far from the road. As activists crossed the cattle guard at the gate’s entrance, or scaled the fence, they were picked up by security guards, some on foot, some driving souped up dune buggies. Once herded into the “cage” they were taken, as a group, to the buses.
On March 13, 1988, the Los Angeles times had this to say about it: “Orchestrating the arrests were about 100 sheriff’s deputies, 50 Nevada Highway Patrol officers and an unknown number of Department of Energy security officials, who used helicopters, motorcycles and camouflaged dune buggies to track down the hundreds of trespassers who managed to evade a wall of guards manning the area near the entrance.”
The first time this happened, on the first day of the action, it was not expected… Organizers scrambled to find all manner of vehicles and gave chase. After about a day or two, we got really good at following the buses and retrieving our folks and getting them back to the scene of the demonstration pretty quickly thereby effectively thwarting the Nye County Sheriff’s office in their plan to break the civil disobedience.
The reasons they cited for this strategy, to bus our people far away, showed our evident effectiveness at gumming up the system, which, at its root, is one of the reasons for civil disobedience to begin with.
Also in the LA Times was this:
“Activist Jessie Cox was one of many who chastised authorities for using “the cage.” “This cage that has been built in the desert appears to be a detainment camp for nonviolent protesters,” Cox said. “We are not only concerned about its use, but about the historic precedent that the image of a stalag-like structure conjures up.”
But Chris West, a spokesman for the Department of Energy, which manages the test site, said the enclosure, which cost $35,000, was needed to control ever-increasing numbers of protesters here.
There have been 3,610 people arrested here since the first demonstration was held in 1957, authorities said. But 3,217 of those arrests were made in 1986 and 1987.
“We are sorry this is happening,” West said, “but we can’t just let people go haphazardly anywhere they want on the test site.”
Still, Nye County prosecutors stopped filing charges against most trespassers here a year ago in an effort to ease the county’s mounting court load.
“They are trying to use the Nye County criminal system as a forum and we are not going to waste taxpayers’ money by giving them that recognition,” said Nye County Deputy Dist. Atty. Jeff Morrison. Instead, he said, “the complaint is routinely dismissed and they go on their merry way.”
So it was obvious that all of that work, demonstration after demonstration, was paying off from a tactical point of view at least.
But was it paying off strategically? A most important question. While the department of energy denied any effect on operations, which was true at the time, the effect on political policy was another matter.
Representative Pat Schroeder, a Congressional ally from Colorado introduced HR 3442, mandating the cessation of US nuclear testing (and thereby British tests, since they used our test site for their own nuclear tests… stopping the US would stop the Brits… A twofer) so long as the USSR maintained their moratorium on testing. The bill eventually gained over 100 co-sponsors, but was never voted on. Schroeder claimed its support was influenced by the civil disobedience at the test site.
The Soviets ended their unilateral moratorium on February 5, 1987, but the last US test explosion was 4 years after Reclaim “The Test Site”, in 1992, though the amount of tests were vastly reduced before that time.
However, later in 1988 the US and the USSR began the Joint Verification Experiment, where technical personnel from both countries traveled to each other’s testing facility to begin the actual monitoring program that would allow each to verify that the other side was not testing. So this, then, was the beginning of the end of nuclear test explosions by all countries to this day with the exception of North Korea, and it looks like possibly Pakistan (and then maybe India?) again soon. We have to organize to stop this if we can!
In 1992 the US Congress passed the Hatfield-Exon amendment, cutting funds to achieve a nine month nuclear testing moratorium. This cancelled the last three scheduled tests for 1993. The ban has held ever since despite our Senate’s refusal to verify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty signed by Bill Clinton in ‘96.
My own belief is that what finally ended nuclear explosions was civil disobedience, like this action and the threat of continued demonstrations, along with millions of petitions, tons of letters and phone calls, and simply ongoing unrelenting pressure of ALL kinds from many, many regular folks from all over the place.
There was also the largest single demonstration in US history to end the nuclear arms race, earlier in Central Park in 1982, which can be seen as the start of the final grass-roots push to end all nuclear testing. Protests had been going on since the beginning of nuclear testing.
The nuclear weapons freeze referendum passed in many states across the country before being defeated in Congress… which helped change tactics to a more militant variety culminating in the mass arrests at the test site.
Who knows? The increasing acts of civil disobedience (CD) HAD to worry policy makers. As the protests and CDs grew in frequency and numbers I am sure, it is only common sense, that despite official denials, it had to worry those in power that this kind of thing might continue to grow until it got unmanageable.
Back in the late 80’s a one judge, Judge Sullivan, after listening to an emotional appeal from a family member who was in court on his trespass charge (which they received at the Test Site) stopped the proceedings and told the court and everyone there that “I just want you to know I think you are making progress through your efforts.” according to a personal account in a book entitled “A Family Says No to Violence: Personal Empowerment through Nonviolent Civil Disobedience.” by Sally A. Mack.
We must never underestimate our own power… It is, after all, all we can count on in the end… and when united with others, we can multiply that power to make real, and often lasting change.
But our power is not like the power we resist. The power of greed, suicidal greed, when one thinks of the polices that give us realities like 70,000 nuclear weapons, “Shock and Awe”, addictive use of fossil fuels resulting in increasing average global temperatures, and the very real and staggering threat of a possible runaway greenhouse effect.
Their power is massive, it seems to be everywhere, but it isn’t. It is pervasive, and it is coercive. Ours is different and, when planning to resist and work for change it is always, in my opinion and that of many experienced organizers, best to organize from a place of your own power. As a matter of fact, Saul Alinsky, one of my early organizing role models, had set down some principles for us to use when developing strategy. He said, we need three things to give an organizing campaign a decent chance of success.
1 – Give your people a sense of their own power. You do this by organizing from your own experience and outside your opponent’s experience. Mass CD is often a good case of this, but not always. It is good to assess the degree to which your target understands and knows how to respond to CD.
2 – Alter the relations of Power. Doing things outside their experience can win you a seat at the table.
3 – Win concrete improvements in your people’s lives…
The Anti-Nuclear Arms Movement has succeeded at all of these…
What’s next?
There are still dangers to be sure, and nuclear weapons still need to be abolished because they still pose a very real threat to each of us and all life on the planet, though we ARE in an undoubtedly safer position than we were in 1988.
But in terms of the goal of the campaign for the Anti-Nuclear Arms movement, I would say that if we can succeed in achieving a ratification of the Test Ban Treaty in the Senate, then we have won and we should have one hell of a very public and audacious party to celebrate because we need to, for our own psyches, reward ourselves for a hard-fought campaign that many of us sacrificed much for. But as importantly, we need to organize that celebration as a national event. We need to put some resources into it to give notice to those in power that – yes — we DID win. We went up against the most powerful death machine in history and we pushed it back from the brink and saved us all from annihilation.
ANNIHALATION!
That IS something to celebrate. And we want them to know that we will not take whatever else they have in store for us without a fight. We need not be violent. That is their way of playing the game. We will NOT let them reduce us to their level. We WILL overcome… That is the message a large victory celebration would send. Stand by, next chapter in the saga is coming up and we are prepared to win again…
We have no choice if we want to live. Because as soon as the hangover wears off, we will be planning our strategy for our next campaign to make this world we live in a better place to live the kinds of lives we want to live and that we all deserve.  So, to spell it out, what I am proposing is a national celebration as a campaign strategy.
The powers we resist threaten to do us all in, globally and in our own neighborhoods. All to serve a system which more and more people have witnessed serves a very few at the expense of an increasing number of people at the bottom. A growing, and REQUIRED underclass that must exist for this system to operate.
This is what we resist: A war around the planet, and one in communities of poor and African-American people and other people of color and people who are divergent from the main stream life style.
We resist a system which pits us each against each other to purposely keep us divided so that we never learn our power. The power of our numbers. The power of the many, the power of people, the power that has been seen throughout history to eventually overthrow the tyrants that have oppressed them time and time again. The Power of unity. The power of love!
A power we can realize when we break down the barriers and differences that divide us and when we learn that everything IS connected.
Like the power of 3,000 people from all walks of life and an amalgam of backgrounds that came together in the hot Nevada Sun to stand up to the nuclear nightmare that had been created to threaten us all just to profit a few.
It is the same power that we use when we reclaim our streets by building community and sharing the burden to make the streets safe to walk again. The power to change how we raise our children so that they suffer less trauma than we have, and can grow with understanding of, and compassion for others. Nothing else will do… There is no other way for us to survive, otherwise, as things progress and resources dwindle and new ways of organizing society are called for, we won’t be competing and killing each other to eat, but feeding each other to prosper.
We ARE all in this together. So far, there is no other planet we can go to and the world as we know it keeps getting smaller. We must choose to run our own lives, personally and as a community. Power structures HAVE to change. Patriarchy, and yes, Capitalism, at least in its current form, must become a thing of the past. We must evolve or perish.
________________________________________

Saturday, November 15, 2014

Protest as Terrorism? Worth a Read.

Protest as Terrorism?
The Potential for Violent Anti-Nuclear Activism
ROBERT FUTRELL
BARBARA G. BRENTS
University of Nevada, Las Vegas

This article examines the potential threat of terrorism toward the Nevada Nuclear Test Site
and the proposed Yucca Mountain Nuclear Waste Repository by domestic protest groups,
particularly anti-nuclear activists. The analysis is based on the history of direct action antinuclear
campaigns against the facilities, particularly the Nevada Test Site, and suggests that
violence as a form of protest, particularly the type of violence that is aimed at jeopardizing
human safety (as opposed to violent destruction of property), is very unlikely. It is argued that
the normalized relations between authorities and protesters that occurred at the peak of
direct actions is critical to maintaining the nonviolence that has characterized activism at
the facilities. But, the current climate of heightened government scrutiny and repression
toward various types of perceived terrorist threats may affect future forms of protest and
engender violent responses on both sides.

Keywords: terrorist; anti-nuclear; social movements; Yucca Mountain; Nevada Test Site;
normalized protest

Friday, November 14, 2014

Anti-nuclear protests in the United States (not complete, but interesting)

http://www.nuclear-heritage.net/index.php/Anti-nuclear_protests_in_the_United_States 

Anti-nuclear protests in the United States

This is a list of notable anti-nuclear protests in the United States. Many anti-nuclear campaigns captured national public attention in the 1970s and 1980s, including those at Seabrook Station Nuclear Power PlantDiablo Canyon Nuclear Power Plant and those following the 1979 Three Mile Island accident.[1]
The largest anti-nuclear demonstration to date was held in New York City on September 23, 1979 when almost 200,000 people attended. The New York rally was held in conjunction with a series of nightly “No Nukes” concerts given at Madison Square Garden from September 19 through 23.
Anti-nuclear protests preceded the shutdown of the Shoreham, Yankee Rowe, Millstone I, Rancho Seco, Maine Yankee, and about a dozen other nuclear power plants.[2]

Nevada Test Site

From 1986 through 1994, two years after the United States put a hold on full-scale nuclear weapons testing, 536 demonstrations were held at the Nevada Test Site involving 37,488 participants and 15,740 arrests, according to government records.[64] These are just a few details:
  • January, 1987: The actor Martin Sheen and 71 other anti-nuclear protesters were arrested at the Nevada Test Site in a demonstration marking the 36th anniversary of the first nuclear test there.[65]
  • February 6, 1987: More than 400 people were arrested, when they tried to enter the nation's nuclear proving grounds after nearly 2,000 demonstrators, including six members of Congress, held a rally to protest nuclear weapons testing.[66][67]
  • September 30, 1987: 110 demonstrators, including seven pediatricians, were arrested for civil disobedience; charges were later dropped.[68]
  • March 20, 1989: 75 protesters, including Louis Vitale, were arrested for trespassing in a peaceful Palm Sunday demonstration.[69]
  • April 20, 1992: 493 anti-nuclear protesters were arrested on misdemeanor charges, as demonstrators clashed with guards at an annual Easter demonstration against weapons testing at the remote desert site.[70]
  • August 6, 1995: 500 people gathered to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima.[71]
  • 1997: Over 2,000 people turned out for a demonstration and 700 were arrested.[72]
  • August 2005: About 200 peace activists, including actor Martin Sheen, gathered for a nonviolent demonstration outside the gates; dozens were given citations and released after crossing police lines.[73]
  • May 2006: 200 activists protested the Divine Strake explosives test, and 40 were arrested.[74]
  • April 2007: Nevada Desert Experience protest, where 39 people were cited by police.[75]

Sunday, November 9, 2014

700-plus Arrested During Nevada Test Site Protest - 1991

700-plus Arrested During Nevada Test Site Protest

January 7, 1991
MERCURY, NEV. — More than 700 people were arrested Saturday during an anti-nuclear, anti-Persian Gulf buildup protest at the Nevada Test Site, officials said. Thousands turned out for the demonstration. Those arrested on misdemeanor trespass charges were taken to holding pens, then transported by bus to Beatty 54 miles north of the remote nuclear proving ground. An Energy Department spokesman estimated the crowd at 2,200 to 2,500. A sponsor of the protest estimated the crowd at 3,000 to 4,000.

Sunday, November 2, 2014

Protest, Dissent, and Witness at the Nevada Test Site

http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/protest-dissent-and-witness-nevada-test-site#sthash.C44Nx8Hz.dpuf

Since the late 1950s, the Nevada Test Site has been the subject of criticism, protest, and civil disobedience. Organized protest actions have ranged in size from fewer than ten people to groups of thousands during the large demonstrations of the 1980s. Individuals have observed private desert witness as they pray for world peace. In spite of the nuclear testing moratorium that has been in place since 1992, protest continues at the site. In recent years, three major annual events have been observed: Holy Week, Mother’s Day weekend, and the August 6–9 anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of World War II.

It is easy to characterize these demonstrations as being specific to the Nevada Test Site (NTS). However, since the dawn of the nuclear age, dissent has taken place within the larger context of national and global debates about the danger, necessity, and morality of nuclear weapons. Nuclear fission was discovered in 1938–39. By 1942, the achievement of the first manmade nuclear chain reaction meant that powerful explosions releasing the vast energies stored in the atomic nucleus were possible. The World War II Allies’ top secret Manhattan Project made that possibility a reality with the atomic bombs tested in New Mexico and used on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. During the war, scientists and statesmen who knew of these world-changing developments were deeply troubled and sometimes divided about whether research should focus on a weapon of such unprecedented destructive power. The decision to create and use the atomic bomb during World War II remains a subject of public and historical controversy.

Post-World War II, debate continued among American scientists and statesmen regarding international control of nuclear energy and nuclear weapons. However, failing to reach arms control agreements with the Soviet Union meant that the nuclear arms race would accelerate. In the 1950s, as thermonuclear weapons or “super” hydrogen bombs were invented and tested, concern grew that the world could become involved in all-out nuclear war with weapons of unlimited power and the potential to destroy civilization.

For the first protesters at the Nevada Test Site, memories of the atomic attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were still fresh. In 1957, a group of Quakers, Mennonites, and other pacifists traveled from out-of-state to commemorate the twelfth anniversary of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima on August 6. Their protest coincided with the detonation of the Stokes device at the NTS on August 7. Stokes—the test of a multi-purpose warhead—was detonated from a balloon over Yucca Flat. It was one of twenty-nine tests in the Plumbbob series carried out between May 28 and October 7, 1957. The Hood test of July 5, 1957, had yielded seventy-four kilotons—the largest of all atmospheric tests at the NTS. Stokes, at nineteen kilotons, approximated the yields of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs. Protesters set up camp close to the test site boundary and held a prayer vigil during the actual test. Those who crossed into the test site at the guard station were arrested.

Another important landmark in the history of test site dissent was the eight hundredth anniversary of the birth of St. Francis of Assisi in 1982. At that time, members of the Franciscan religious order in Las Vegas decided to hold peace vigils and desert witness at the NTS to honor their patron. These activities followed the precepts of nonviolent civil disobedience.

Over time, protests grew to encompass the interests of a wide range of individuals and organizations, some of which advocated more confrontational approaches, including resisting arrest. A peace camp was established across the highway from the test site where people still hold vigils, ceremonies, and religious services. From there, those who wish to “cross the line” can walk under the highway and step over the test site boundary, after which they are arrested. Individuals and small groups have also entered the test site from remote desert locations and have been able to evade security for many hours before being detected. In at least one case, their presence on the test site delayed the scheduled detonation of an underground test. Over the years, those arrested have been held in fenced areas at the test site, sent by bus to Tonopah and Beatty, Nevada, jailed, or sometimes handcuffed, ticketed, and released.

In addition to faith-based, pacifist desert witness, others journey to the NTS to express deeply held convictions about nuclear weapons. Hibakusha—survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki—are important participants in international peace and anti-nuclear movements. “Downwinders” from Nevada, Utah, and Idaho come to bring attention to the illnesses they believe were caused by fallout from more than a decade of atmospheric testing at the NTS. Many downwinders consider themselves to be hibakusha, atomic bomb victims along with the survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the Pacific Islanders in whose traditional territories the Pacific nuclear tests were conducted. Atomic veterans—military personnel who were exposed to radiation during tests at the NTS and Pacific—also participate in protests. However, some atomic veterans consider it unpatriotic to demonstrate, seeing their illnesses as combat injuries of their military service. Environmental activists and citizens concerned about the safety of soil and ground water organize and attend rallies. During the cold war, elected officials demonstrated in support of policy changes such as a nuclear freeze and U.S. ratification of international test ban treaties.

The test site is located on the traditional lands of indigenous peoples, including the Western Shoshone and Southern Paiute. Ancestral and cultural resources are located within its boundaries. Some reservations as well as traditional hunting grounds were in the path of test site fallout. The Western Shoshone claim the test site as part of their homeland, Newe Sogobia, under the 1863 Treaty of Ruby Valley. During protests, tribal leaders issue passports granting permission to enter the test site. The Nevada-Semipalatinsk Movement brought together activists from the United States and Kazakhstan, location of the major Soviet test site. During the early 1990s, Kazakh and Native American leaders joined in ceremonies at the NTS.

During Holy Week, some groups walk from Las Vegas to the Peace Camp as part of their religious observances. They enact the “nuclear stations of the cross” and Catholic mass is held in the desert. During Mother’s Day weekend, tribal leaders run for miles across their traditional homelands to gather for ceremonies near the test site in honor of Mother Earth. During the August Desert Witness, Las Vegas faith-based organizations hold teach-ins on nonviolent action and rally with others at the test site to remember Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Over the years, test site administrators and security personnel, including the Nye County sheriff, have dealt with the demonstrations in a variety of ways. Some protesters and security people have become close friends, having gotten to know each other over decades of protest. For some test site workers, the protests represent a personal attack on their morality. Many believe that their cold war work assured nuclear deterrence and contained the Soviet threat to American values, including the right to protest. These arguments in Nevada embody the complex moral dilemmas that nuclear weapons have raised since they were first discovered.

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Further Reading

Ken Butigan. Pilgrimage through a Burning World: Spiritual Practice and Nonviolent Protest at the Nevada Test Site. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003.
Corbin Harney. The Way It Is: One Water, One Air, One Mother Earth. Nevada City, CA: Blue Dolphin Publishing, 1992.
Richard L. Miller. Under the Cloud: The Decades of Nuclear Testing. Woodland, TX: Two-Sixty Press, 1991.
A. Costandina Titus. Bombs in the Backyard: Atomic Testing and American Politics. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2001.
The Nevada Test Site Oral History Project. University of Nevada, Las Vegas, http://digital.library.unlv.edu/ntsohp/.
- See more at: http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/protest-dissent-and-witness-nevada-test-site#sthash.C44Nx8Hz.dpuf