Showing posts with label APT. Show all posts
Showing posts with label APT. Show all posts

Thursday, April 16, 2015

992 Held in 9th Day of Protest at Nuclear Test Site April 16, 1989

MERCURY, Nev. — Nearly 1,000 anti-nuclear protesters were arrested on misdemeanor trespass charges at the nation's nuclear testing grounds Saturday.
Energy Department spokesman Jim Boyer said 992 demonstrators had been arrested as of late afternoon and protesters promised more arrests later in the evening.
Boyer estimated that 1,500 people turned out Saturday for the ninth day of the annual "Reclaim the Test Site" protest at the Nevada Test Site. The event ends today.
Those arrested were taken to the Nye County sheriff's office in Beatty, 55 miles away, where they were to be released after being cited on the misdemeanor charge, Boyer said.
Nye County officials announced earlier this month that they would no longer prosecute the trespassers because of the growing number of protests and arrests at the remote desert site.
A total of 2,818 arrests were reported at the site last year, including 2,065 during the 1988 "Reclaim the Test Site" action.
More than 100 law officers were on hand to collect and handcuff the demonstrators as they walked across a cattle guard on the main road leading to the test site.
The cattle guard has been a rallying point for protests the last eight years, and law officers have arrested activists who crossed that point onto test site property.

Tuesday, November 18, 2014

Nevada Peace Camp Encouraged By Soviets' Visit To Nuclear Site

Nevada Peace Camp Encouraged By Soviets' Visit To Nuclear Site
By Fawn Vrazo, Inquirer Staff Writer
POSTED: January 27, 1988
NYE COUNTY, Nev. — It has been cold here lately at the permanent peace camp located about a mile from America's nuclear bomb testing site. In the morning, camper Diana Hirschi finds frost on her sleeping bag; she can see her breath at night.
Sometimes, there are hundreds of peace demonstrators residing at the camp - a scraggly desert outpost covered with sharp rocks, low cactus bushes and wood benches supported by concrete blocks. Yesterday, though, there was only Hirschi - a 45-year-old mother and secretary from Salt Lake City - to stand in lonely vigil outside of the 800,000-acre site where U.S. scientists test bombs up to six times more powerful than the ones dropped on Japan during World War II.
For a change yesterday, Hirschi was quite pleased about something going on inside the test site fence.
This week marks the unprecedented visit of an exchange group of 20 Soviet scientists who are living in the Nevada Test Site's military-like dormitories while they inspect bomb testing equipment and study a new U.S. device that will likely be used by Americans to measure the Soviet Union's nuclear tests.
Local peace demonstrators like Hirschi regard the Soviet visit with something like joy, since it is seen as a definite step toward an eventual joint nuclear test-ban by both the United States and Soviet Union.
But the joy goes only so far. The demonstrators still believe it will be a long time before there are no more bombs detonated at the site, which is pocked with huge craters resulting from nuclear explosions rumbling far beneath the desert floor. And so, during the chilly desert winter and in the blazing summertime, on special occasions ranging from Mother's Day to the August anniversary of the bombing of Japan, the demonstrators plan to keep on protesting and giving the U.S. Department of Energy as much grief as they can.
In May 1986, a group of activists from the Rocky Mountain Peace Center in Boulder, Colo., trekked well into the test site's interior in hopes that Energy officials would be forced to delay a bomb test once their presence was discovered.
What the activists weren't counting on was the fact that they would not be discovered: at blast time, they found themselves in a desert canyon near Ground Zero. The ground swayed beneath them and large rocks started rolling around.
"They were pretty frightened and depressed," said Peace Center worker Larry Tasaday.
More often, protesters merely stand quietly at a cattle guard at the site entrance or step over it - only to be promptly handcuffed and arrested by sheriff's deputies waiting on the other side.
Last Mother's Day, 750 were arrested and booked. "That may be the largest arrest at one time in the state of Nevada," bragged Jim Merlino of the Nye County sheriff's department, who has been forced to make many adjustments to handle the growing protest arrest load. Those adjustments include the recent installation of a special booking trailer near the site.
Nye is one of the country's largest counties and also one of its most sparsely populated, with only 16,000-some residents. Last year, Merlino and his deputies arrested more than 3,300 test site demonstrators - or the equivalent of nearly one-quarter of all of the people who live in his county.
Local protest organizers praised Merlino for his gentle approach with demonstrators. "They're treated like ladies and gentlemen," Merlino said. In turn, he praises the organizers for making his job as easy as they can.
Before any "action" takes place at the site, local organizer Jesse Coxe of the American Peace Test organization in Las Vegas calls Merlino and tells him exactly how many protesters are expected and exactly how many plan to trespass at the site entrance.
Coxe and workers at another Las Vegas peace center, the Nevada Desert Experience, have organized test site protests with as much precision as a travel agent handling a tour group. When members of an out-of-town group call to say they want to demonstrate against the nuclear tests, the local organizers offer to prepare the site with portable potties and water, provide civil disobedience training, give advice on how to get arrested or not arrested, and provide local meals and a place to sleep. For all this, modest registration fees in the range of $5 to $25 are asked.
"I don't even know if the casinos can beat us on that," said Nevada Desert Experience staffer Denise Stephenson.
During their protests the demonstrators are in clear view of busload after busload of workers who arrive for jobs at the site each day. A total of 8,000 employees make their living in various bomb test jobs, and many are suspicious of demonstrators who would like to see the reason for those jobs be taken away.
The protesters, though, view the Nevada Test Site as the most important place in America to demonstrate against the arms race. "The nuclear arms spiral upward is closely linked to testing," said Tasaday. The fact that there is testing, he believes, encourages U.S. scientists to look for "ever more colorful, ever more interesting (bombs) to test."
Early today, 10 to 15 demonstrators were expected at the site to welcome the Soviets with a banner written in both Russian and English. Starting March 11, organizers plan their bigggest-ever protest at the site, with as many as 5,000 people expected here.

Monday, November 17, 2014

HISTORY SHOWS, PEOPLE POWER MAKES THE DIFFERENCE. by D. E. Gibson ©

HISTORY SHOWS, PEOPLE POWER MAKES THE DIFFERENCE.

By D. E. Gibson ©
Power comes down to two things. Money and People. When they have the money, we need the people!
It was dusty, hot, and the air and the ground around us, seemed yellow. It was sandy, rocky, sage brush with a few stunted trees all around. On one side of US 95, was a steel chain link fence some 10 feet high or more, which stretched for miles in both directions, topped with concertina razor wire. On the other, about 3,000 individuals from all over the country were lining up to support hundreds who were illegally entering the gates on this side of the fence. Beyond this throng, just a mile north, organized in a sand pit past some small hills on Bureau of Land Management property were a collection of tents, small and large, pitched as I recall, about 100 yards from the road. White ones. Bright yellow and orange ones, blue ones. Olive… There were a number of vehicles as well. Support vehicles, generators, water trucks, and personal transportation of a wide variety. Some of the tents were individual one and two person affairs. Some were much larger canopies, and house size structures used for kitchens, dining halls and communal meeting spaces. I remember flags on poles. Peace flags. Rainbow flags, even American Flags. (I will have plenty more to say about the American Flag in later posts)
I have been told that you could hear the sound of the drums in the back ground. I do not remember this myself but do remember drums and other musical instruments there, so … why not? Sounds like something we would have been doing then. Playing drums and clanging cymbals and making noise in celebration of life and resistance to oppression. And if we were not, we should have been. Like the Canadian activists who have come out recently banging their pots and their pans during their protest marches! How cool.
Here was the layout:
Top
In 1988, in the Nevada desert, I was part of an event involving civil disobedience where about 3,000 people were arrested over the course of 10 days. I have read that this was the largest civil disobedience action in US history with a record of arrests.
We were protesting underground nuclear weapons explosions to test and develop new and more dangerous bombs and missiles about 1,000 of which, could destroy most life on Earth. (There were about 70,000 in the world then, ready to launch) The demonstration was named “Reclaim the Test Site.” I had trained and prepared for this event for months. I had flown out here all the way from Montclair NJ to meet my crew. They had driven out earlier, caravan style, meeting up with other caravans and rolling into “Peace Camp” within hours of many others that I had spontaneously coordinated by phone and fax back in our office in Montclair before driving to Newark Airport and boarding a plane to join the fun. (This was all before cell phones… Members of other caravans from the South and the North East and the East, and the North West called in to their headquarters by pay phone… Does anyone reading this remember those?) I spoke with their home offices. They, in turn, would let their folks — who would call in from time to time – know how far in miles they were from some other group of fellow travelers and on what particular route some other caravan from some other part of the country might be. Some joined up en-route thanks to this. Some joined up outside of Peace Camp. Others aimed to roll into peace camp as close to a common arrival time that we organized in an impromptu fashion over the phone. Me with my map spread out on my cluttered desk with my speaker phone in front of me… No google maps in them days … Most of the travelers arrived on the same day within hours of each other… an intermittent procession of caravans arriving from all over the country. I imagined cheering campers greeting them, which indeed is what I was told later actually happened. This helped build solidarity and gain us some local media attention too.
I was up most of the night alternately on the phone and at our brand spanking new copy machine, my back pack and travel gear stored on the floor by the door, as I was running off materials for a professional door-to-door canvass we had organized as one of our contributions to this effort. While the protest was set for Nye County, the canvass was in Las Vegas, which was the next county over. Since none of the money we collected was for the protest, but to set up a group in Vegas of locals who would call for conversion of the test site to peaceful purposes, we were completely legal,– much to the chagrin of Las Vegas police who wanted to arrest us, like their Nye County Compadres, but were unable to. So… Ha!
My crew, all experienced professional canvassers, had caravanned out to meet some other canvassers from other canvass offices — most from SANE/FREEZE, (The Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy merged with the Nuclear Weapons FREEZE Campaign.) Some were committed to the canvass, and others were committed to the action and planning arrest. We were well represented.
When I arrived just hours after most of the caravans got there, I disembarked at Las Vegas Airport. As I got off the plane the very first thing I saw drove home what we were really resisting. I saw a line of Slot Machines. “Yes” I thought to myself with a wry smile. “Makes sense”.
I was up and animated when I got to Vegas thanks to the excitement of the occasion and adrenaline in my system, despite my tired state due to a night of little sleep. (Exacerbated by the little plastic bottles of bourbon I drank on the plane.) I made my way to the temporary office for the American Peace Test in Las Vegas. The American Peace test was, in a way, a splinter group of sorts, breaking off of the larger FREEZE Campaign to mount increasingly militant, disciplined, civil disobedience against the US nuclear weapons program, and the US’s overall policy of militarism. They coordinated with groups protesting in Greenham Common in England and at the test sites in, what then was still, the Soviet Union as well… making this a truly global organizing campaign. Most Americans would have been shocked and in denial of the fact that there was a robust peace movement in the USSR in those days.
The office certainly felt temporary. It was located in the rear of, some sort of commercial, newly and cheaply constructed mini-mall sort of thing, though it didn’t appear to have any retail outlets. It had small offices of the kind where you might find a moving company, a machine shop, or a fly-by-night furniture warehouse. Lots of white and silver and aluminum, and no trees to mention in the parking lot except for the small, spindly newly planted variety. The kind held in place by some cable tied to the ground and supported by fresh pine one by twos. Even the doors seemed to be made of a hollow aluminum frame. The office was located across from the rear parking lot of one of the smaller casinos… (Casinos were everywhere. So were more slot machines. They seemed to be in every commercial location one entered, including super markets.)
Some of the canvassers took what they made canvassing and leveraged it at the gaming tables. One guy won enough money to buy an airplane ticket back to Los Angeles, which was fortunate as he did not have a return plan when he got there. All of us took advantage of the very cheap food, steak dinners and the like, and cheap booze that the Casinos made available to attract out-of-towners to come in and lose their savings. What a racket! But it was, after all, Vegas! Back at the office there was a kitchenette kind of deal, with a sink a very small refrigerator, and a microwave.
We lived on peanut butter, bagels and bread, and some whole wheat pasta which I would cover with tahini sauce. At Peace Camp there was a communal kitchen with lots of … well… chili and salad I imagine… I never ate there myself. We ate pretty well off of the money we canvassed. Which was also OK because the contract called for paying us from revenues that we raised while signing people up. Not a bad system.
The whole operation was run on consensus, which immediately ended my role in the canvass as a leader as soon as we had our first meeting. It stung my ego but enriched my soul. I was suddenly no longer the architect of this unique first ever organizing model, but simply the driver and another canvasser. It was kind of liberating in a way and immensely satisfying seeing everyone step up and take responsibility. My ego healed quickly.
Upon arrival I met with an organizer or two. The details are a bit hazy, but we arranged, from previous contact, to have access to either one of the two rental vans that were around to bring people to and from the office to Peace Camp and back.
We also arranged whose couch I would sleep on as I did not have a tent at Peace Camp. I don’t remember getting much sleep anyway. As I remember I moved around a lot, staying on the weekend with other canvassers and activists at some out of town lawyer’s home for a night and a day. I was charged with going to the grocery to pick up food for a large group meal, and since I had not yet gotten my paycheck, I was to do most of the labor for my part of the meal. When I got to the super market, I dropped a few quarters (all I had left) into one of the slot machines up front and won enough to cover my share of the groceries and a little extra, saving me from a night of indentured servitude at the whim of my fellow activists… WHAT a relief. Capitalism came through for me that time.
We would have access to the van at around 2:00 PM each day to bring people to the City and then, after meeting and preparing for the field at about 3:00, we would drive canvassers to their neighborhood and drop them off. Then I would drive back to the office, and pick up whoever needed a ride back to Peace Camp. Then I would turn around, and head back into the city giving anyone who needed it, a ride and drop them off. If I had time, I would go out and canvass. If not I would just go and pick up the crew. Then drive back to Peace Camp. To get around during the day or on the weekend, I used the little red Mazda owned by one of my crew, a young man with blond dread locks.
I found myself going back and forth to the city for various reasons during the day while some members of my crew joined hundreds of others crossing the line and being abducted by Wackenhut Security on the test site grounds and put in a large metal “pen” in the desert until they could be loaded on buses and driven to the town of Tonopah, some 65 miles from the vicinity. We called it “The Cage”. It was a 28,800 square foot chain link fence built in the shape of a square near the South Entrance not too far from the road. As activists crossed the cattle guard at the gate’s entrance, or scaled the fence, they were picked up by security guards, some on foot, some driving souped up dune buggies. Once herded into the “cage” they were taken, as a group, to the buses.
On March 13, 1988, the Los Angeles times had this to say about it: “Orchestrating the arrests were about 100 sheriff’s deputies, 50 Nevada Highway Patrol officers and an unknown number of Department of Energy security officials, who used helicopters, motorcycles and camouflaged dune buggies to track down the hundreds of trespassers who managed to evade a wall of guards manning the area near the entrance.”
The first time this happened, on the first day of the action, it was not expected… Organizers scrambled to find all manner of vehicles and gave chase. After about a day or two, we got really good at following the buses and retrieving our folks and getting them back to the scene of the demonstration pretty quickly thereby effectively thwarting the Nye County Sheriff’s office in their plan to break the civil disobedience.
The reasons they cited for this strategy, to bus our people far away, showed our evident effectiveness at gumming up the system, which, at its root, is one of the reasons for civil disobedience to begin with.
Also in the LA Times was this:
“Activist Jessie Cox was one of many who chastised authorities for using “the cage.” “This cage that has been built in the desert appears to be a detainment camp for nonviolent protesters,” Cox said. “We are not only concerned about its use, but about the historic precedent that the image of a stalag-like structure conjures up.”
But Chris West, a spokesman for the Department of Energy, which manages the test site, said the enclosure, which cost $35,000, was needed to control ever-increasing numbers of protesters here.
There have been 3,610 people arrested here since the first demonstration was held in 1957, authorities said. But 3,217 of those arrests were made in 1986 and 1987.
“We are sorry this is happening,” West said, “but we can’t just let people go haphazardly anywhere they want on the test site.”
Still, Nye County prosecutors stopped filing charges against most trespassers here a year ago in an effort to ease the county’s mounting court load.
“They are trying to use the Nye County criminal system as a forum and we are not going to waste taxpayers’ money by giving them that recognition,” said Nye County Deputy Dist. Atty. Jeff Morrison. Instead, he said, “the complaint is routinely dismissed and they go on their merry way.”
So it was obvious that all of that work, demonstration after demonstration, was paying off from a tactical point of view at least.
But was it paying off strategically? A most important question. While the department of energy denied any effect on operations, which was true at the time, the effect on political policy was another matter.
Representative Pat Schroeder, a Congressional ally from Colorado introduced HR 3442, mandating the cessation of US nuclear testing (and thereby British tests, since they used our test site for their own nuclear tests… stopping the US would stop the Brits… A twofer) so long as the USSR maintained their moratorium on testing. The bill eventually gained over 100 co-sponsors, but was never voted on. Schroeder claimed its support was influenced by the civil disobedience at the test site.
The Soviets ended their unilateral moratorium on February 5, 1987, but the last US test explosion was 4 years after Reclaim “The Test Site”, in 1992, though the amount of tests were vastly reduced before that time.
However, later in 1988 the US and the USSR began the Joint Verification Experiment, where technical personnel from both countries traveled to each other’s testing facility to begin the actual monitoring program that would allow each to verify that the other side was not testing. So this, then, was the beginning of the end of nuclear test explosions by all countries to this day with the exception of North Korea, and it looks like possibly Pakistan (and then maybe India?) again soon. We have to organize to stop this if we can!
In 1992 the US Congress passed the Hatfield-Exon amendment, cutting funds to achieve a nine month nuclear testing moratorium. This cancelled the last three scheduled tests for 1993. The ban has held ever since despite our Senate’s refusal to verify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty signed by Bill Clinton in ‘96.
My own belief is that what finally ended nuclear explosions was civil disobedience, like this action and the threat of continued demonstrations, along with millions of petitions, tons of letters and phone calls, and simply ongoing unrelenting pressure of ALL kinds from many, many regular folks from all over the place.
There was also the largest single demonstration in US history to end the nuclear arms race, earlier in Central Park in 1982, which can be seen as the start of the final grass-roots push to end all nuclear testing. Protests had been going on since the beginning of nuclear testing.
The nuclear weapons freeze referendum passed in many states across the country before being defeated in Congress… which helped change tactics to a more militant variety culminating in the mass arrests at the test site.
Who knows? The increasing acts of civil disobedience (CD) HAD to worry policy makers. As the protests and CDs grew in frequency and numbers I am sure, it is only common sense, that despite official denials, it had to worry those in power that this kind of thing might continue to grow until it got unmanageable.
Back in the late 80’s a one judge, Judge Sullivan, after listening to an emotional appeal from a family member who was in court on his trespass charge (which they received at the Test Site) stopped the proceedings and told the court and everyone there that “I just want you to know I think you are making progress through your efforts.” according to a personal account in a book entitled “A Family Says No to Violence: Personal Empowerment through Nonviolent Civil Disobedience.” by Sally A. Mack.
We must never underestimate our own power… It is, after all, all we can count on in the end… and when united with others, we can multiply that power to make real, and often lasting change.
But our power is not like the power we resist. The power of greed, suicidal greed, when one thinks of the polices that give us realities like 70,000 nuclear weapons, “Shock and Awe”, addictive use of fossil fuels resulting in increasing average global temperatures, and the very real and staggering threat of a possible runaway greenhouse effect.
Their power is massive, it seems to be everywhere, but it isn’t. It is pervasive, and it is coercive. Ours is different and, when planning to resist and work for change it is always, in my opinion and that of many experienced organizers, best to organize from a place of your own power. As a matter of fact, Saul Alinsky, one of my early organizing role models, had set down some principles for us to use when developing strategy. He said, we need three things to give an organizing campaign a decent chance of success.
1 – Give your people a sense of their own power. You do this by organizing from your own experience and outside your opponent’s experience. Mass CD is often a good case of this, but not always. It is good to assess the degree to which your target understands and knows how to respond to CD.
2 – Alter the relations of Power. Doing things outside their experience can win you a seat at the table.
3 – Win concrete improvements in your people’s lives…
The Anti-Nuclear Arms Movement has succeeded at all of these…
What’s next?
There are still dangers to be sure, and nuclear weapons still need to be abolished because they still pose a very real threat to each of us and all life on the planet, though we ARE in an undoubtedly safer position than we were in 1988.
But in terms of the goal of the campaign for the Anti-Nuclear Arms movement, I would say that if we can succeed in achieving a ratification of the Test Ban Treaty in the Senate, then we have won and we should have one hell of a very public and audacious party to celebrate because we need to, for our own psyches, reward ourselves for a hard-fought campaign that many of us sacrificed much for. But as importantly, we need to organize that celebration as a national event. We need to put some resources into it to give notice to those in power that – yes — we DID win. We went up against the most powerful death machine in history and we pushed it back from the brink and saved us all from annihilation.
ANNIHALATION!
That IS something to celebrate. And we want them to know that we will not take whatever else they have in store for us without a fight. We need not be violent. That is their way of playing the game. We will NOT let them reduce us to their level. We WILL overcome… That is the message a large victory celebration would send. Stand by, next chapter in the saga is coming up and we are prepared to win again…
We have no choice if we want to live. Because as soon as the hangover wears off, we will be planning our strategy for our next campaign to make this world we live in a better place to live the kinds of lives we want to live and that we all deserve.  So, to spell it out, what I am proposing is a national celebration as a campaign strategy.
The powers we resist threaten to do us all in, globally and in our own neighborhoods. All to serve a system which more and more people have witnessed serves a very few at the expense of an increasing number of people at the bottom. A growing, and REQUIRED underclass that must exist for this system to operate.
This is what we resist: A war around the planet, and one in communities of poor and African-American people and other people of color and people who are divergent from the main stream life style.
We resist a system which pits us each against each other to purposely keep us divided so that we never learn our power. The power of our numbers. The power of the many, the power of people, the power that has been seen throughout history to eventually overthrow the tyrants that have oppressed them time and time again. The Power of unity. The power of love!
A power we can realize when we break down the barriers and differences that divide us and when we learn that everything IS connected.
Like the power of 3,000 people from all walks of life and an amalgam of backgrounds that came together in the hot Nevada Sun to stand up to the nuclear nightmare that had been created to threaten us all just to profit a few.
It is the same power that we use when we reclaim our streets by building community and sharing the burden to make the streets safe to walk again. The power to change how we raise our children so that they suffer less trauma than we have, and can grow with understanding of, and compassion for others. Nothing else will do… There is no other way for us to survive, otherwise, as things progress and resources dwindle and new ways of organizing society are called for, we won’t be competing and killing each other to eat, but feeding each other to prosper.
We ARE all in this together. So far, there is no other planet we can go to and the world as we know it keeps getting smaller. We must choose to run our own lives, personally and as a community. Power structures HAVE to change. Patriarchy, and yes, Capitalism, at least in its current form, must become a thing of the past. We must evolve or perish.
________________________________________

Sunday, November 16, 2014

Reclaim the Test Site, 1988

The Nevada Test Site has often been a target of anti nuclear protests. Most of these were conducted by the American Peace Test (APT) and Nevada Desert Experience (NDE). 
In March 1988, APT organized a ten day long "Reclaim the Test Site" event which was attended by more than 8,800 people. Nearly 2,067 of these people were arrested, including 1,200 who were taken into custody in one day. This set a record for most civil disobedience arrests in a single protest.

Here are some great pictures: 


Friday, November 14, 2014

Anti-nuclear protests in the United States (not complete, but interesting)

http://www.nuclear-heritage.net/index.php/Anti-nuclear_protests_in_the_United_States 

Anti-nuclear protests in the United States

This is a list of notable anti-nuclear protests in the United States. Many anti-nuclear campaigns captured national public attention in the 1970s and 1980s, including those at Seabrook Station Nuclear Power PlantDiablo Canyon Nuclear Power Plant and those following the 1979 Three Mile Island accident.[1]
The largest anti-nuclear demonstration to date was held in New York City on September 23, 1979 when almost 200,000 people attended. The New York rally was held in conjunction with a series of nightly “No Nukes” concerts given at Madison Square Garden from September 19 through 23.
Anti-nuclear protests preceded the shutdown of the Shoreham, Yankee Rowe, Millstone I, Rancho Seco, Maine Yankee, and about a dozen other nuclear power plants.[2]

Nevada Test Site

From 1986 through 1994, two years after the United States put a hold on full-scale nuclear weapons testing, 536 demonstrations were held at the Nevada Test Site involving 37,488 participants and 15,740 arrests, according to government records.[64] These are just a few details:
  • January, 1987: The actor Martin Sheen and 71 other anti-nuclear protesters were arrested at the Nevada Test Site in a demonstration marking the 36th anniversary of the first nuclear test there.[65]
  • February 6, 1987: More than 400 people were arrested, when they tried to enter the nation's nuclear proving grounds after nearly 2,000 demonstrators, including six members of Congress, held a rally to protest nuclear weapons testing.[66][67]
  • September 30, 1987: 110 demonstrators, including seven pediatricians, were arrested for civil disobedience; charges were later dropped.[68]
  • March 20, 1989: 75 protesters, including Louis Vitale, were arrested for trespassing in a peaceful Palm Sunday demonstration.[69]
  • April 20, 1992: 493 anti-nuclear protesters were arrested on misdemeanor charges, as demonstrators clashed with guards at an annual Easter demonstration against weapons testing at the remote desert site.[70]
  • August 6, 1995: 500 people gathered to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima.[71]
  • 1997: Over 2,000 people turned out for a demonstration and 700 were arrested.[72]
  • August 2005: About 200 peace activists, including actor Martin Sheen, gathered for a nonviolent demonstration outside the gates; dozens were given citations and released after crossing police lines.[73]
  • May 2006: 200 activists protested the Divine Strake explosives test, and 40 were arrested.[74]
  • April 2007: Nevada Desert Experience protest, where 39 people were cited by police.[75]

Saturday, November 8, 2014

Story on Jesse Cocks

Jessie Cocks
Steve Hoffman

The seed of a tree is planted in the earth, and the seed is watered, and the seed begins to grow.

The moment she was born, there was a seed planted in Jessie Cocks’ soul and that seed has been nurtured and nourished and, my, how it has grown. While her life has taken many twists along winding paths (with the occasional turn down a darkened alley) she has never encountered a roadblock or a detour. Her path is her path, it belongs to her. Every moment has built upon the next, all leading perfectly to the current moment, where she exists, quite comfortably, thank you.

“I have based my life on non-violence. It’s approaching things from a point of love instead of fear. For me, the truth of the matter is love. It’s unconditional love.” Jessie is a birthright Quaker, a direct descendent of Hicksites--who were Quietist, meaning that they believed in waiting for revelation from God more than finding it in the Bible or from rational thought. They traveled for peace. Founder Elias Hicks was a freethinker, an early abolitionist, a preacher who taught that the leading of the inner light was more authoritative than the text of the Bible.

From an early age, Jessie was tuned in to her heritage.

“I was clearly a Quaker. That resonated for me very early on,” she explains.

Jessie’s father was born in Westbury, Long Island, and his father was William Willets Cocks, who worked in agriculture before becoming a U.S. Congressman from New York.

William was a close friend of President Theodore Roosevelt.

So politics was in Jessie’s blood, too—but more on that later.

By the time Jessie came along, the family had settled in Chester County.

Some of Jessie’s rugged gentleness may originate with a childhood spent handling horses.

“I was born and raised to ride horses,” she explains. “I was riding horses before I was walking. I had a Pinto Pony named Bambi and she was really my nanny. I spent so much time with her. My friends and I would have picnics on that horse. It was like riding a table,” she chuckles.

Jessie suffered a fractured skull and several concussions, but that didn’t deter her from bonding with horses. From the age of about eleven, she was riding race horses. If she happened to get thrown off, her father would encourage her to “get back up there and show it who is boss.” She was also the de facto boss of the farm when she was still very young. She helped train some of the farm workers and assumed responsibilities that most children wouldn’t be able to handle.

She remembers, “It was a very cavalier upbringing.” She recalls that living on the farm was like “living in a fish bowl of race and class.” There was the boardinghouse, where the farm workers who weren’t good enough to work with the horses lived.

Then there was her home, with her Republican working-class parents and three other siblings. On the same social level were the young men who were being taught by her father to work the farm. Then, at the top, were the farm’s owners, who would stop by to watch in on horses.

Jessie bounced between the social classes. On one end of the spectrum, she gained a certain level of worldliness attending the cocktail parties that her parents hosted. On the other end, she rolled up her sleeves and worked side-by-side with farmhands--many of them black, all of them poor. This is where Jessie felt most comfortable.

A trip to a cousin’s ranch in Wyoming had a profound effect on her.

“I was home,” she says simply of being out west, with the breathtaking, wide open spaces. “The west is where it’s at for me.” It helped her tap into another part of her being also.

“I have had a lot of Native American friends and I’ve always felt like I was Native American,” she explains.

As Jessie looks back on it now, her upbringing made for a wonderful education. “The more I learn, the more aware I am that I had a juicy upbringing.” Jessie’s formal education began at the Upland Country Day School in Kennett Square, where she attended school from 1954 to 1960. Then it was on to the Westtown School, a Quaker school that provided more nourishment for her peaceful roots.

It was sometime during grade school when she became fascinated by the teachings of Nobel Peace Prize winner Dr. Alfred Schweitzer, theological scholar, musician, and doctor.

With the award money from his Nobel Prize, he opened a leprosarium at Lambaréné, his adopted home.

“He spoke to my essence,” she says. “I learned from him that it’s right to live a life of service.” Where Dr. Schweitzer left off, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Picked up.

“Dr. Martin Luther King changed my world,” says Jessie.

“Being a Quaker, his message of peace just resonates. It’s about having respect and love for everyone, even if you disagree with a position. That was my living. I was living my beliefs.” She helped rally fellow students as they participated in the Poor People’s Campaign and the March on Washington. It was a turbulent time.

The Vietnam War frightened her. “Oh, I was totally against it. It was a waste of time, money, and most importantly, lives. I don’t believe in war. Any war is a waste.” Jessie continued to train and ride thoroughbred horses until 1978, but she felt a calling to do more to help improve the world around her.

In 1977, Jessie was a co-founder and the director of the Women’s Resource Center for battered women and children, which is now the Domestic Violence Center.

“It started as a hotline. We had some closet space in a YMCA,” she recalls, “but we quickly became experts on battered women.” She remembers going out to educate people about domestic violence. She would speak in general terms about domestic violence and describe certain warning signs and behaviors.

People would come up afterward and say that Jessie had just Described their own lives.

It was an eye-opening experience for her. Even in bucolic Chester County, there was a serious domestic abuse problem, and not always in families that you think.

“It really cuts across all socio-economic lines. We saw a lot of examples of upper class, white people who were being abused. Leaders in communities are sometimes the worst abusers.

Everybody knows someone who’s being abused. There’s so much domestic abuse in our culture.” Why?

“A dysfunction you’re raised in will always be within you,” she says. “Alcohol and drugs play an important role. It’s passing dysfunction from one generation to the next.” Sadly, the children are the ones who are affected the most.

“Children are like sponges. They absorb all the energy in the room. They know Courtesy photo Jessie Cocks protests nuclear proliferation and nuclear arms testing in the 1980s.

Pictured here is the VW bus with a replica of a cruise missile on top. Jessie co-founded the Chester County Campaign for a Nuclear Weapons Freeze, and was the chairperson for Pennsylvania’s campaign as well. Just one cruise missile could have wiped out Chester County.

What’s going on and they feel a responsibility for it.” When those children grow up, they seek partners who are either submissive or abusive and the cycle of dysfunction continues to another generation.

“It’s hard to break the patterns. It takes lots of therapy—good therapy.

It’s important to survive, but it’s also true that that there’s more to life than being a survivor.” Jessie left the Women’s Resource Center in 1980. The United States was a fragile Super Power entering the new decade, with painful memories of the Iran Hostage Crisis still fresh. The United States and the Soviet Union became locked in a nuclear chess match that threatened all of mankind.

Living in United States in the Reagan-era was living in a dangerous place in a dangerous time, especially for those who value peace. There was a challenge to be met.

“I became a workaholic, working for change,” she recalls.

“That seemed to be noble to me at the time.” While Jessie is a pacifist who abhors war, she was a true warrior when it came to fighting for peace. Going back to the teachings of Martin Luther King, she embraced nonviolent action to help the underprivileged and protect the world from nuclear disaster.

An unlikely prisoner, Jessie found herself behind bars when she participated in “Blockade the Bombers” with the Quakers for Peace Affinity Group.

She explains, “Nonviolence is open and honest. If I’m going to protest, I’m going to say that I’m going to do it. You know that you’re going to get arrested if you trespass, and you have to be ready for that.” She co-founded the Chester County Campaign for a Nuclear Weapons Freeze and was later the chairperson for the entire Pennsylvania effort. Conferences, fundraising, public speaking, and lobbying for the cause became a part of her life.

Soon, she was cruising around in VW bus that had a lifesize cruise missile replica atop it. The reason? The real cruise missile could have wiped out all of Chester County and then some and President Reagan seemed determined to collect more of them than the Soviet Union.

“One of the greatest challenges for me is to say that I love Ronald Reagan. I may detest his policies as President, but I love him.”

She co-founded the American Peace Test, an international organization that promoted nonviolent resistance to stop nuclear testing.

Once again, she found herself journeying out west, but this time it wasn’t to the comfortable environment of her cousin’s farm. She established an American Peace Test office near the Nevada Test Site, which was the stage for more than 900 nuclear blasts, provided most of the iconic images from the nuclear era. It was established in 1951, in the embryonic days of the Cold War.

Jailed several more times for peaceful protest, Cocks found a way to fight for justice while remaining at peace with those who opposed her.

“It’s about finding a place where you can connect with someone, a respectful, compassionate place so that you can resolve the issue. It’s so important to approach things with a positive attitude. You have to approach change in your life or in your community with an open heart and a positive attitude. That’s key.” In many ways, the Nevada Test Site served as an intersection of Jessie’s life. The nonviolent protests at the test site were straight out of the Martin Luther King playbook. Here, Jessie met and worked along with Civil Rights legend Cesar Chavez, who championed the cause of the farm workers that she had worked alongside as a child. And the peace movement allowed her to develop the skills necessary to run a grass-roots campaign, akin to a political campaign.

She organized and led thousands of people in nonviolent resistance over the years.

She explains the importance of trying to bring change to the world.

“I feel like, if I helped just one battered woman, then that was enough. I get so much out of doing that service. It makes the Universe happy, or God, or Buddha, or whatever you believe. Mother Earth certainly responds to that.” Between 1987 and 1989, Jessie worked as a Las Vegas Catholic Worker volunteer. Once again, she found herself behind bars when she was jailed because she and three others blockaded a city bulldozer that was going to destroy the makeshift “homes” of destitute citizens in a tent city.

She was a member of Carl Sagan’s “think tank” on building mass movement for social change.

Jessie attended and led numerous workshops on nonviolence.

She made an appearance on “The Phil Donahue Show” to discuss the topic in 1988. She served as an advisor for a scene in the movie “Nichtbreaker” about protests at the gate of the Nevada Test Site, meeting stars Martin Sheen and Emilio Estevez.

Eventually, Jessie and that replica of the cruise missile ended up in Washington D.C. for further protests against nuclear testing. Proving her skills as a communicator, she served as a liaison between the protesters and the Washington D.C. police and the Secret Service.

By 1990, the world was moving faster than ever and the changes were coming quickly. The Reagan-era was over. In the aftermath of Glasnost, the Soviet Union was set to crumble. The computer age arrived.

After spending the better part of a decade fighting for her causes, Jessie found herself turning inward.

She became involved with healing, hypnotherapy, and SpiritBody and Reiki. She immersed herself in learning. She studied the science of intuition and participated in Sisterhood of the shields with Amy Lee, an Iroquois medicine woman, and tried Living Dance.

In 2000, George W. Bush became President. For people like Jessie, the world was turning more dangerous again.

“It’s a terrifying statement that an election could be stolen that way, that we let something so undemocratic happen.

He’s the most dangerous President we’ve had. He has undermined the country’s reputation as a caring, compassionate country, and he’s done more damage than we even know yet. If Al Gore had been President, global warming would have been addressed immediately. We wouldn’t be in the predicament that we’re in in Iraq. We’d have better healthcare for children.” She decided to enter politics at the local level, becoming a Democratic leader in Kennett Square. She led the “Coalition of Good Government” candidates as they campaigned for four seats on the Kennett Borough Council, and worked to help other County Democrats get elected.

When times get hard, she believes, that’s when people need to stand up and stand together. “It’s a call for people to make a change, for them to make a difference in their family, community, or the world. You don’t have to be a world leader to make a difference.” When she looks back at her career of activism, she takes some pride in knowing that her activism was really just her leading her life the way that she was supposed to lead it.

“If nothing else, if I didn’t change policy or stop the arms race, at least I made a change in the people who know me.

If you believe in something, you can go do it. You can make it happen.” It starts with a seed. A seed is planted. A tree grows.

Friday, November 7, 2014

Principles of Nonviolent Direct Action

Principles of Nonviolent Direct Action: from the American Peace Test Nonviolence Trainer Manual

Four basic principles:
1) Define your objectives. Injustice and violence are everywhere around us. A single campaign or action will not remove it all. One must begin by focusing on a specific injustice; it should be possible to discuss it in fairly simple and clear-cut terms. Decision-making and negotiations during a campaign will be helped immensely if you have defined clearly your short-range objective and your long-range goal.

2) Be honest and listen well. Part of your goal is to win your opponent's respect. Conduct yourself in a way which encourages that respect by showing your scrupulous care for truth and justice. A crucial part of nonviolent direct action is the understanding that no one knows the complete truth about the issues at hand. Listening with openness to what your opponents have to say about your campaign is very important in your pursuit of the whole truth. Similarly, listening carefully to those who are struggling at your side helps ensure that the oppression which you are fighting is not replaced by another oppression.

3) Love your enemies. No matter how deeply involved in unjust and violent systems some people are, your goal is to break down those systems, not to punish others for wrong-doing. Real justice is established when people refuse to maintain oppressive systems, not when the people in those systems are destroyed. Nonviolence requires a steadfast and conscious willingness to mentally separate respect for all people from disrespect for what some people are doing in a given situation.

4) Give your opponents a way out. By using nonviolence, you are showing a kind of strength that overcomes injustice. Avoid self-righteousness with opponents. Recognize their weaknesses, embarrassments and fears. In specific confrontations, as well as in the larger campaign, find a way to let them participate in finding a solution. Give them options to respond to, not non-negotiable demands.

Six strategic steps:

1) Investigate. Get the facts. Clear up any possible misunderstanding right at the start. If an injustice clearly has been done, be equally certain exactly who or what is to blame for it. The complexity of society today requires patient investigation to accurately determine responsibility for a particular injustice. The ability to explain facts rather than just relying on rhetoric will win support and prevent misunderstandings.

2) Negotiate. Meet with opponents and put the case to them. A solution may be worked out at this point. It is possible that your opponents have a grievance which you didn't know about. Now is the time to find out. If no solution is possible, let your opponenets know that you intend to stand firm to establish justice. Let them know, however, that you are always ready to negotiate further.

3) Educate. Keep campaign participants and supporters well-informed about the issues, and spread the word to the public. This may involve issuing simple but carefully prepared leaflets. It may also call for street theater, informal street speaking, door-to-door personal visits, phone calls and press releases. Talk to the editors of local newspapers and to government officials. Always stick to the facts, avoid exaggeration, be brief and show good will. Remember that the attitudes of local people about your campaign can ahve an important effect on its outcome.

4) Demonstrate. Picketing, vigiling, mass rallies, and leafletting are the next steps. All of these make more impact on your opponent, the public, the press, and law enforcement officials, if conducted in a well organized manner. Those who are demonstrating should be well informed, cool headed, able to endure heckling and to withstand possible violence without panic and without resorting to violence in return. It is most important to maintain discipline at this stage, and to "keep cool under fire".

5) Resist. Nonviolent resistance is the final step, to be added to the first four as a last resort. This may mean a boycott, a fast, a strike, tax resistance, a nonviolent blockade or other forms of civil disobedience. Planning must be carefully done, and nonviolence training is essential. Discipline must be firm to avoid making your resistance vulnerable to violent provocation. Every provocation must be answered calmly and without retaliation. The general public as well as the direct action participants themselves can be moved more favorably by a well organized, orderly expression of resistance. A crucial part of nonviolent resistance is the willingness to suffer the consequences. You are saying, in effect: "I am so determined to right this injustice that I am willing to suffer to bring about change," instead of the more common and less effective reasoning: "I am so determined to right this injustice that I'm going to make my opponent suffer for it." The willingness to accept and absorb violence and suffering can often be the cutting edge for change. When properly carried out, actions of resistance build a position of moral clarity which will strengthen your own courage and create widespread respect for your campaign.

6) Be patient. Meaningful change can not be accomplished overnight. Like the building of a cathedral, it requires years of work. To deepen one's analysis of injustice and oppression means to become aware of how deeply entrenched are the structures which produce them. These structures can be eliminated, but this requires a long-term commitment and strategy. Individual actions are much more effective if they are integrated in a nonviolent campaign which may have to continue not only for months but for years. Along the way, there will be many experiences of failure and temptations to give up. No action should be perceived as a "do-or-die" situation for your campaign.

These principles were first developed in the context of the struggle for civil rights in the U.S. for which it was written and published by the American FOR at the request of Dr. Martin Luther King. The present version has been slightly revised for international use by the International FOR, which is a transnational and interreligious movement committed to nonviolence as a principle of life and liberation.

Monday, November 3, 2014

Putting it on the Line, from the John E Mack Institute

Putting it on the Line

by Cathy Cevoli

Test site arrests reach new high

John Mack, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and Harvard psychiatrist, was the first member of his family to hear of the Nevada Test Site demonstration. After consulting with his wife, Sally, the couple called their three sons – Ken, Dan and Tony, all in their 20s – and following discussions that lasted “every night for two weeks,” decided to head west from Massachusetts together. “We thought it was important to take a stand as a family,” explained Sally, a social worker. They also knew their joint appearance would make good media copy.
But it was the boys who first decided to get arrested. Introducing themselves to their affinity group on the eve of the June 2 civil disobedience (CD) action at the test site, both parents paused and said they were there “for support” only.
Mack admitted that one reason for his indecision was professional. Author of one of the first surveys of children’s fears of nuclear war, Mack is academic director of Cambridge Hospital’s Nuclear Psychology Program. “There is a danger of getting identified as too much of an advocate, one of those people who gets arrested,” Mack said. “It could make me seem subjective or isolate me from people I work with.”
Sally Mack faced a different struggle. “I realize that my fear of thinking about the nuclear threat is behind my fear of civil disobedience, “ she explained. For Sally, doing CD would mean admitting once and for all that nuclear war was really possible, a psychological seep that seemed more frightening than getting arrested.
FIRST-TIME OFFENDERS
Held from May 31 to June 2, the action was the first national event organized by the American Peace Test (APT) since its formation in January. Saturday’s event, a demonstration held at the test site, was co-sponsored by the national Freeze Campaign (APT’s founders were formerly Freeze Campaign organizers). Staffers of the fledgling group hope to spark a nationwide CD campaign, one that will attract new participants from “mainstream” peace groups. Economist Lester Thurow, who donated $2000 to APT last year to help it get started, has written a direct-mail appeal calling on others to help him raise $50,000 for the group.
Almost everyone at the action seemed to have both political and personal reasons for coming. Many activists mentioned the imperative of the Soviet testing moratorium, and the conviction that CD needed to start playing as large a role in the test ban fight as it did in the civil rights movement. “We need to be more militant,” said teacher and Freeze volunteer Russell Storll, who spent two-and-a-half days on a bus en route to Nevada. ‘‘I’m so damn tired of feeling I’m not doing enough. “ Like Storll, many in the largely middle class crowd, which ranged greatly in age and included several parents with grown children, had never been involved in CD before.
“I’m sick of yelling at the TV,” said television writer and producer Annie Druyan. “I’ve been studying this issue for five years, and I haven’t done enough to stop what I think is evil.” Druyan was arrested for the first rime, with her husband Carl Sagan, who did not get arrested, accompanying her as a support person. (The couple spent their wedding anniversary on the site.)
Another first-time offender was Harvard psychiatrist Lester Grinspoon, a leading writer on nuclear psychology. Since getting arrested to stop the arms race hasn’t acquired the legitimacy that it has for issues like apartheid, many newcomers were taking a giant step. “My colleagues will probably say I’m acting out again,” Grinspoon said, half-joking.
“People in the past have viewed CD as a radical step that only the fringe of any movement takes,” said APT national coordinator Jessie Cocks. “But more people are realizing that we can’t achieve our goals without it. Lots of people came here who’d been afraid of getting arrested, or who said ‘I never thought it would have to come to this.’”
These first-timers joined such CD veterans as Daniel Ellsberg, Harvard psychiatrist Margaret Brenman-Gibson – who had encouraged her colleagues Mack and Grinspoon to join the action – and 77-year-old Lawrence Scott, one of 11 people arrested at the first test site action in 1957.
Since the demonstration site is 65 miles northwest of Las Vegas, not the least of APT’s accomplishments was attracting so many to a remote location in the middle of the desert. Over 700 people from 35 states (and six countries) attended Saturday’s demonstration, and 149 were arrested on Monday, setting a test site CD record.
Saturday’s crowd gathered on Camp Desert Rock, the place where soldiers involved in above-ground rests were once rained on with radiation, and heard speeches by Ellsberg, Sagan, and Freeze Executive Director Jane Gruenebaum, among others. Oregon Representative Jim Weaver seemed to impress the crowd with his almost religious condemnation of nuclear tests – as well as for facing the 100° weather in a suit.
After the rally, while a third of the group stayed to camp just outside the sire, the rest faced the culture shock of returning to hotels in the capital of psychic numbing. But Mae Gautier of New York City was delighted to find that the paper crane she had given her hotel clerk after her first arrest was still pinned co the hotel’s bulletin board a year later.
CROSSING THE LINE
For much of Sunday, during an all-day strategy session in preparation for civil disobedience, debate centered on what form the action should take. Most activists wanted to cross the DOE’s arbitrary white line and surrender peacefully to the authorities, but others favored options that would make the demonstration more difficult for the police and/or allow people to venture further onto the site. After several hours of overtime discussion, consensus was finally reached on the first, more cooperative action.
Despite – or because of – this ordeal, a growing sense of unity and purpose was palpable on Monday morning. After a long early-morning drive, the group of about 300 activists (both those intending to do CD and their “support people”) gathered along Highway 95 at 6:00a.m. to “vigil” arriving test site workers.
For many activists, the real meaning of the location of this action had been hard to grasp. While everyone knew what goes on at the site, it nonetheless looked eerily benign. “The beauty of the desert gives you a sense of serenity,” said Helga Moore, a New York activist, “but then there’s the horror and the hell underneath.” Less than two months earlier a faulty test in an underground tunnel had vented radiation, causing millions of dollars in damage and contaminating three workers. The recognition of hidden menace seemed to hit home as the activists – many clearly emotional – approached the white line.
Holding hands, small groups of protesters crossed the painted line and were led away, sometimes amid the cheers of friends, to waiting busses to be “processed.” (Nye County Court Judge William Sullivan, popular among activists for his temperate demeanor, has stiffened his sentences in the last two years, due to – APT suspects – federal pressure and his own frustration at dealing with escalating arrests.) First-time offenders faced six days in jail or a $150 fine.
RIPPLE EFFECTS
Since APT organizers view the event as only the beginning of a long-term campaign, they are reluctant to gauge its effectiveness. Locally, the events received good media coverage, due perhaps to growing antinuclear sentiment in Nevada, where stories of waste-dump selection have helped create what APT feels is a growing dislike of the DOE. But with the exception of USA Today, the Chicago Tribune and a small blurb hidden in the Boston Globe, the national media ignored the event. Still, it’s difficult to ignore the number of people who came to Nevada because of someone else’s example. “This has an effect on people’s lives,” said Ed McClain of Corvallis, Oregon, who was warmly welcomed back by workers he’d met doing community service for his last arrest.
Cocks believes that nonviolent CD needs to be more integrated, along with lobbying and other tactics, into movement strategy. Already, the ongoing actions at the test site have raised the visibility of the test ban issue as a critical time in congressional deliberations, according to one key Capitol Hill aide. And, Cocks added, “each of these people will go back to their communities and organize with that much more passion. I have incredible faith in the experience. It can’t not work.”
In the end, it “worked” for John and Sally Mack, who finally decided on Sunday night to get arrested on Monday. “I’m not sure I’m doing the right thing,” Mack admitted an hour before he crossed the line. “I may regret it. But there just don’t seem to be any considerations more important.” Besides, he added, “it just seems the height of parental irresponsibility to watch my sons get arrested and wave at them from the other side of the line.” The Macks were arrested – and later faced Judge Suillivan – en famille.
One week later, John Mack described the process as liberating. “I feel like I’ve crossed an important line within myself,” Mack reported. Since returning from Nevada he has written an article on CD and read a lot of Thoreau. “We have a barrier about breaking the law which seems formidable,” said Mack. “But when times become desperate, it’s essential that people say ‘no’. I wouldn’t just recommend this to my colleagues,” he added. “I’d tell them it’s absolutely critical to take every opportunity to do this.”
© 1986 Cathy Cevoli
Nuclear Times, July/Aug 1986 pp.36-37
Related:
Original Press Release

  Subject Area: Political Worldviews